Listening to the Spider: reading Hesiod’s Works
and Days
CHAPTER 2. ZEUS: GUARANTOR OF THE WORLD OR
BARRIER TO GRASPING IT?
vv. 11-105
Correction: the old world view needs adjustment.
Indeed,
with the Theogony still in mind, the poet
first offers realities to Perses by way of what is
widely understood to be a correction to something said there:
Well
not was (it so that) there (is) only one breed of the Strifes;
rather, (all) over the earth
there
are two (breeds or Strifes?); the one (Strife) you
could praise if you knew her,
though
the other is blameworthy: they are very divided at heart.[1]
(vv. 11-13)
The first clause refers to a statement in the earlier
poem that Night produced (a single) Strife parthenogenetically,
within a group of spirits also including Nemesis, Deception, Lust, and Old Age.
Our poet says that in that otherwise baneful collection (not to mention Pain
and others whom Strife herself generated) one creature exists (and is
widespread) who is to be supported.[2]
This
idea of a praiseworthy Strife is a bit of a shock. (Hamilton, whose concept of
the poem is actually based on the two Strifes, even
states incorrectly that it is misleading to translate Greek eris
as “strife,” because in his view “strife is never good.”) And the image is
indeed that the two entities are different: The claim that they are “divided at
heart” uses an epic phrase, also said in particular of the gods in taking up
different sides for the final battle between Achilles and Hector; thus the
listener who notices the association will feel that the two Strifes
are quite far apart (even aside from our text’s addition of an intensive prefix
I translate as “very”). To be sure, as Eric Havelock and other commentators
have pointed out, the idea that conflict has a good side is already latent in
Homer; however, that poet never singles out a beneficial Strife for discussion
as such. Thus Hesiod has the audience’s attention:
what could he mean?[3]
Before
that curiosity is satisfied, however, there is a certain underlying agenda
requiring a few words on the bad Strife. Formally, the full section that
follows is an example of a principle Kasimierz Kumaniecki has pointed out: A general statement is often
followed in the poem by its specification or explanation, in this case
detailing the difference just cited. But as to the agenda, first, Hamilton notes
a tendency in the section to equate the inferior of the two beings with “the
world of the Theogony,” and in fact vv. 11-13
have reinforced the movement away from that poem which began at the end of the proemium. Second, however, in specifying the bad example of
the Strifes the new poem more strikingly distances
itself from the world of the Iliad:[4]
For
that one foments baneful war and dire battle,
the
vicious (one); indeed, no mortal loves the likes of her; rather, of necessity,
by
will of the deathless ones, (mortals) honor the oppressive Strife.[5]
(14-16)
I.e., she is that which created the trouble at
The
poet has made us wait three verses, but the bad Strife’s (not entirely
accurate) description does effectively highlight the real point: her good
sister. Continuing the specification:[7]
But
first dark Night engendered the other,
and
the high-seated son of Cronus who dwells in space
makes her (be)
in
the roots of the earth and much better for men as well:
she
even rouses the unhandy one to work for all this (unhandiness);
for
yes, anyone wants to work, watching another,
a
wealthy one, who is eager to plow and plant
and
to put his estate in good order: yes neighbor envies the neighbor
who
rushes toward wealth; this Strife is good for mortals.[8]
(vv. 17-24)
Subtleties which translation does not reproduce
include a nice assonance in “rouses to work” (egeiren
ergon), and that to at least some listeners
“wants to work” (ergoio chatizōn)
recalls Odysseus “wanting to return home” in two places (nostoio
chatizōn, also verse-ending).[9]
Symbolically,
what is important about this passage is the contrast between Zeus as supervisor
of the sky gods (“high-seated” properly refers to a coxswain giving orders to
rowers), who “dwells in space,” with the earth where he places the daemon.
Thus as especially Seth Benardete has noted, the
poet here presages a poem about the earth rather than the Theogony’s
sky. Apart from that, as West observes, the good Strife is elder, hence more
honored.[10]
Notice
the role of human will: That getting rich is important to the poem
in general is well noted (e.g., by Ioannis Perysinakis), and at a certain thematic level, this
Strife is important in allowing scope for it (particularly effectively via
the use of enjambement noted in the Introduction for
vv. 21-2). However, while Zeus renders following her possible, human
will is operative in actually doing so, whereas “the deathless ones” of 16,
construed as the capricious entities who caused the wars, compel honor toward
the bad Strife they have let off the leash. It is true that, as Verdenius notes, neither Hesiod
nor Homer really solves the theoretical problem of human responsibility in a
world with gods. Still, as a matter of practice it is clear what we must do to
gain wealth.[11]
Meanwhile,
as was hinted in the Proemium, there is a
contradiction in Hesiod’s Zeus, and it is here
detectable, if the poet does not yet display it at any overt level: Zeus is
one of the “deathless ones” who compel honor to bad Strife, but makes the good
Strife possible.
As to
the next segment, inflected languages allow for the phenomenon of polyptoton, the repetition of a noun in a different case;
this yields a catchy phrase not noticed as much in translation. Homer and Hesiod alike are fond of the device. Verdenius
may be right that the example about neighbors in v. 23 (geitona
geitōn)
puts the poet in mind of some clever examples which also include verbs in the
alliteration. In any case (in West’s alliteration-preserving translation):
And
potter is piqued at potter; and at craftsman, craftsman,
and
beggar begrudges beggar; and poet, poet.[12]
(25-6)
As far as language goes, a possible model (if without
the verb as part of the alliteration) is Nestor’s idea for organizing the
troops: “and let clan support clan; and tribe, tribe.” But as to the thought,
one might well think that the sentiments the poet’s flair for words has led him
to support look stark in the cold light of day. Can it be good when poets hate
each other? Still, there is no reason to believe that Hesiod’s
idea of what is beneficial has anything to do with the utopian vision of lions
lying down with lambs in peace and harmony. After all, if one poet hates
another enough to vie with him, that will give us good poetry. It has been
suggested that the conflict of beggars alludes to that of the beggar Irus and the disguised Odysseus, but that was certainly
part of a plot leading eventually to a good end. Indeed, our poet caps off his
vision of the good Strife with a fair cross-section of society (men both of
deeds and of words, as
Example: finagling versus work.
But
it is “Perses” to whom the poet has said he wanted to
speak. Thus:
Hey,
Perses, you store all this in your heart;
don’t
let the delighting-in-banefulness Strife draw you
away from work
to
ogle the quarrels of (things like) plazas and listen to them
(or
possibly: to ogle the quarrels and listen to the plazas).[14]
(vv. 27-9)
Here “listen” seems in the sense of “heed,” and action
is also hinted at in the Greek verb for “watch” that I render as “ogle,” opipeuō. At first the segment looks like a
sleight-of-hand to broaden the scope of the bad Strife to include spectators as
well as participants in the “war and contention” of 14. However, the
connotations of the verbs suggest that this is a distinction without a
difference: Perses is at least potentially a
participant. In any case, in terms of form, the poet further specifies the
antecedent, citing the workings of the daemon in an actual case.
Next,
we hear:
For
as to quarrels and plazas, yes little are they the concern (or: little is there
time for them?)
for
anyone for whom a livelihood is not sufficiently stored inside
in
season, that which earth yields, Demeter’s grain.
With
a surfeit of that you could foment quarrels and contention
(to
go) after the property of others. ... .[15]
The formal structure would lead us to expect the good
Strife as counterpoint to the bad one, but instead a graceful line (32)
introduces the image of a different goddess, in her partnership with earth.
True, “Demeter’s grain” (an epic phrase) is mentioned at least in part as a
foil for the next thought, that if you had it you could follow the bad Strife,
since her language is pointedly reproduced from 14 (the only change being to
replace “war” with “quarrels”). In any case, as Bona Quaglia
says, the thought is to be understood ironically: Perses
is really to note his failure to work for the livelihood, not the actual
possibility of contention once he has it. There is at least one other case of
“a surfeit of that” which the listener may recall, to add nuance: Hector’s parents could have had a surfeit of grief if their
son had died at home rather than as he did.[16]
... Never will there be for you a second
(chance)
to
do this. But forthwith let us get our dispute settled
with
straight judgments, the ones which are best (since they are) from Zeus.
For
once we divided up our inheritance, but yes much
you
plundered and carried off, greatly flattering the kings,
the
gift-eaters who are wont to dispense this (kind of) “justice.”[17]
It seems that we are supposed to know about a specific
property dispute we have had with the narrator, and that we are related to him
(“inheritance”). I take it that “do this” refers to engaging in bad Strife-type
activities previously mentioned with him as the specific target, with “second”
alluding to the fact that we have in fact done so. The statement is
a bit of bravado on the poet’s part, swearing that he won’t let himself be
beaten any more. Then, after an appeal to reason which alludes to the “straight
judgments” of the proemium, and of the Theogony before that, we learn directly what he is
talking about: an actual case where we once cheated him by bribing judges.[18]
Explanation: it’s all for the best.
(The
kings are) fools who do not know how much more is the half than the whole,
nor
how great is the profit in mallow and asphodel.
For
(it is the case) for humanity that the gods keep hidden the means of livelihood;
for
(otherwise) easily you could only in a day work
to
have (enough) even for a year without working;
quickly
would you put your rudder “over the (fireplace) smoke” (i.e., finish sailing)
and
the “work of oxen” and also of “hard-working mules” would perish.[20]
Popular audience and esoteric critic alike can sink
their teeth into this. There are allusions to epic concepts, ideas as “cryptic”
as the gods’ hiding (krupsantes), and mention
of both the agriculture and the sailing which will be discussed later. As to
epic, “fool/child who does not know (the following)” is an ubiquitous
convention: Its use ranges from Agamemnon being naive not to know Zeus would
prevent him from capturing Troy in a day; to Andromache
not knowing that Hector, being dead, would not need his bath drawn; to the
Cyclops not knowing that Odysseus and his men were hidden under the sheep
exiting the cave; to Dawn not thinking to ask Zeus to grant her lover youth
along with immortality, plus an application later in our poem to be discussed.
Then, two epic models are combined in 43-4: Odysseus’s tale to Eumaeus could go on “easily ... even for a year” if there
were enough food and drink; and “only in a day” in such cases as Hector doing
much damage in only that time. Weapons are hung above “the smoke” when not in
use in the Odyssey. “Work of oxen” (i.e., plowed fields) and
“hard-working mules” are standard, and one case of “work neither of oxen nor of
men” may be the model here.[21]
Further explanation: (meta-)myth.
“The
gods hide the livelihood” of course stands for simple reality, but there is no
hint in vv. 42-6 of how it came about. Having engaged in myth-making with the
good Strife, the poet next at least begins as if he were explaining the
situation with more myth, this time an old one:
But
Zeus hid (something), angry in his heart
because
crooked-minded Prometheus cheated him;
so
therefore he wrought grievous woes for humanity:
he
hid fire. ..... .[24]
Whether what Zeus hid in 47 was the livelihood of five
verses earlier, as most assume, or simply means the hiding of fire three verses
later, or is ambiguous (as I believe), this begins the Prometheus-Pandora
narrative proper. That is, it begins a story which is at least initially about
given anthropomorphic beings, not “the gods” generally as is implied by those
commentators who say that the narrative already began at 42. In fact, as the
audience will soon recognize if it does not already, again the reference is to
the Theogony, which contains a similar myth.
The idea of “hiding” connects the two segments in Verdenius’s
1962 sense.[25]
“Hephaestus
the famous” he ordered quickly
to
muddy earth with water, and in this a human’s speech to put,
and
(a human’s) strength, but an appearance like a deathless goddess,
(and)
the form of a lovely fair maiden; then Athena
to
teach it work, to weave an intricate loom;
and
to pour grace over its head, “golden Aphrodite,”
and
arduous pain and limb-gnawing anxieties (for the men who encounter it);
and,
to put in it a bitchy mind and deceitful manner,
Hermes
he commanded, the “diaktoros argeïphontes.”
So
he said, and they obeyed lord Zeus, the son of Cronus.[28]
To be sure, taking a largely intellectual approach to Hesiod’s relation to Homer, Heinz Neitzel
says the reference here and in the parallel Theogony
segment is to the beautification of Hera to fool
Zeus. But as to the more immediate response, i.e., to language, the poet
recalls epic images of the gods in question by his use of the standard phrases
I put in quotes. West and Verdenius note other
parallels, especially with Hephaestus’s helpers in making the Shield of
Achilles, automatons who possess “speech/ and strength, and (learn skills
from) the deathless gods”). I translate this structure so as to preserve the
verse locations of key terms, especially the names of the deities. As Nicolai observes, the two females come at the end of the
verse; the two males, at the beginning. Also, Zeus’s order is cited at both
beginning and end. A nice construction.[29]
But
after the creature is actually built in vv. 70-80a with not quite the same dieties (Aphrodite becomes the Graces, Persuasion, and
the Seasons), she is named (the earlier myth’s woman is not, despite a common
assumption that she is also “Pandora”) and sent to men. It is in the latter two
stages that meta-myth most clearly supplants myth: The myth has Hephaestus
simply bring out the creature to show gods and men, but our text names her and
goes on thus.[30]
.... And he (Hermes) named this woman
Pandora
(Pandōrē) because all (pantes) who have homes on
gave
a gift (dōron
edōresan), a pain to “bread-eating men.”
Thereupon,
when he completed this “sheer inescapable snare,”
the
father sent to Epimetheus the famous “argeïphontes”
leading
the gift(,?) of the gods(,?) the swift messenger; nor did Epimetheus
remember
that Prometheus had told him never a gift
to
receive from Olympian Zeus, but to send it
back,
lest some evil befall mortals.
Thereupon
he received it, and when he had the evil he knew it.[31]
The poet begins as if he would simply name the
characters etymologically, Pandora the “all-gift” because “all” the gods “gave
a gift.” But then when he proceeds to send her via Hermes to Epi‑metheus (the character taking over Prometheus’s
role as representing humans to the gods), i.e., “After‑thought,” as a
foil to Pro‑metheus (easily construed as “Fore‑thought”),
he is not content with such a procedure, but gives an actual consequence
bearing out the characteristics: The latter figure saw the problem in
advance; the former, only when it was too late. The syntactical ambiguity in
85 also contributes to the breakdown of narrative. In short, this is neither
the adventures of Coyote the trickster, nor the Levi-Straussian
structures which Vernant posits in his synchronic
analysis of “the” Hesiodic Prometheus myth, but is a
matter of literature.[32]
For
before this the tribes of humans were living on earth
free
and far from evil, indeed far from painful troubles,
especially
(or: and) grievous diseases, the ones which give doom to men; (90-2)
but
the woman, with her hands taking away the jar’s great lid,
scattered
it (i.e., its contents): she wrought grievous woes for humanity.
Expectation
(Elpis) alone there in unbreakable lodgings
remained
inside the jar, under the rim, and not outside
flew;
for first (someone) closed the jar’s lid
by
will of aegis-bearing, cloud-gathering Zeus.
Otherwise,
countless sorrows roam among humanity;
full
of evils is the earth, and full is the sea;
and(?)
diseases to humans by day, as well as those by night
keep
coming, on their own (volition), bearing evil to mortals
silently,
since Zeus of the counsels has removed their voices.[34]
(94-104)
Thus
not at all can anyone escape the mind of Zeus.
(v. 105)
Formally, this corresponds to the “moral” which ends
the Theogony account (so West). It is also
noteworthy that, given that diseases have just been cited, the line appears to
allude directly to the assertion of the Cyclops’s brethren that “not at all is
he to escape what is the disease of mighty Zeus” (i.e., escape what must be
from divine visitation since the Cyclops has just said “no one,” a homophone of
Odysseus’s name for himself, is attacking him).[39]

NOTES:
[1] The translation “kind” rather than
“race” or “breed” for genos in v. 11 imposes a
modern logical idea which distorts Hesiod’s sense
that the Strifes are organic beings; so Verdenius, notwithstanding Blümer
(II 35 n. 2). Verdenius also argues that epi gaian is not
just “on” earth. The syntax of “two” is ambiguous, but it follows from the
gender of “one” that that refers to “Strife,” not “breed,” so that the poet
proceeds from the group to the individual in one way or another.
[2] Night’s progeny: Th. 223-5
(following an earlier group); Strife’s (Pain, Forgetfulness, Famine, Sorrow,
several versions of Quarrel, and Oath): 226-30; for further discussion with
references, see Blümer (II 35-6). Against some
who deny the allusion, see Bona Quaglia (33-4 n. 1), Verdenius (1985, 15 n. 57),
[3] As numerous examples attest, many
of the Greeks themselves would disagree with
[4] Kumaniecki
(87). Notice that this principle of specification is opposed to Nelson’s (1998,
esp. 48-9) view of Hesiod’s composition as “juxtaposition
of vignettes.”
[5] “Vicious” in v. 15 is schetlios, properly “hard-hearted,” but see Kirk ad Il.
2.112, Verdenius. The latter’s view that timaō means “cultivate” rather than “honor” in
16 would yield a nice thought, but relies exclusively on later Greek usage; the
Homeric meaning is clearly the latter.
[6] “Baneful war and dire battle:” see
above, Introduction, n. 12; also cf. “war and pestilence” (Il. 1.61),
“war and battles” (13.250). Strife is used with our “foment:” Il. 4.445.
Personified Strife: Il. 4.440 (sister and associate of Ares), 5.518,
11.3, 73 (going against the gods), 18.535, 20.48 (beneficial to the Achaeans);
for more discussion see Kirk ad 4.440-1, Hainsworth
ad 11.73-5.
[7] “For” in v. 14 still governs at least
the first part of 17 ff; see Beall (2001, 157 n. 12).
[8] Aorist thēke
in v. 18 is usually construed as referring to the past, “made,” but I think
what is meant is Zeus continuously keeping the daemon rooted and
beneficial to men (a comparable example is Od.
15.373). Verdenius believes we have “many a one”
rather than “anyone” in 21, but the text says even clumsy people are aroused.
However, he may be right that the last clause of 24 is really parenthetical, so
that “rushing toward wealth” leads right into 25-6.
[9] Odysseus: Od.
8.156, 11.350. More direct parallels include “high-seated son of Cronus who dwells in space,” cited at Il. 4.166,
while “dark Night” is standard: 5.659, etc.; Th. 213.
[10] Benardete
(152).
[11] Perysinakis’s
essay has the advantage of being in English, although most University libraries
do not carry the journal in which it appears; alternatively, see the more
available E. Will (in French) and Cozzo (Italian),
who argue against a certain view that the poem constitutes a defensive
response to an alleged economic crisis. Verdenius ad
v. 16 athanatōn boulēisin.
[12] The first verse has a chiastic order
of the nouns also in the Greek. (To be sure, an ABAB order, as the second in
fact follows, would not fit metrically.) For a general discussion of the
phenomenon, see Brigitte Gygli-Wyss, Das nominale Polyptoton im älteren Griechisch (Göttingen, 1966), 89-97 for
early epic.
[13] Nestor: Il. 2.363 (ABAB
order). More evidence will emerge later that the author was not a machine
programmed to screen out all irrationalities produced by exuberance. (On Homer
and Hesiod as human beings capable of mistakes, see
especially Young.) See Hamilton (59) for both Irus
and Odysseus in Od. 18 and deeds versus words.
Indeed, there is (noun-verb) alliteration also at 18.1-2: the “beggar” arrived,
he who “(iteratively) begged” in Ithaca (cf. 17.18-19). Most recently, Blümer (II 42-9) argues at length against the
authenticity of vv. 25-6, but on the basis of undue skepticism of the
possibility of strife being beneficial (see especially 43-4). There is a
certain tradition that the striving poets represent Hesiod
and Perses themselves; see most recently Marsilio (2000, 10, 53-4, 83 n. 175).
[14] On “hey” in v. 27: According to Verdenius (following Chantraine,
37), the normal decorous rendering “oh” or “O” for the Greek vocative particle
ō may suit Plato, but Homer’s
meaning is livelier. More intricately, Maria Zaffira Lepre, L’interiezione vocativale nei poemi omerici (Rome, 1979)
(summary: 70-3), distinguishes where the vocative falls in the verse. She
mostly restricts the particle to a “technical-metrical” role, but when it
begins a verse, as here, she allows that it can intensify the name which
follows. On the uncertainty in 29: My rendering assumes “plazas” attaches to
“quarrels,” with Mazon, Athanassakis,
and Verdenius. The verb for “hear” or “listen”
normally takes an accusative (as “quarrels” here), in Homer and our 448. To be
sure, it does take a genitive (as “plazas”) at Il. 2.143, where the
verb’s sense is “take heed of,” so that the other construal (which is standard;
see most recently Marsilio, 2000, 2) may be right. If
so, it parallels the structure of the next verse, 30.
[15] “Concern” in v. 30 is the reading ōrē (most
recently Marsilio, 2000, 66-7 n. 28, with
references), as opposed to hōrē
(“season,” “time,” most recently Arrighetti). If the
first construal is correct, notice that, as with our own idiom “that’s not your
concern” (or more bluntly, “it’s none of your business”), the indicative is
used although the subjunctive would be more proper.
[16] Bona
Quaglia (43 n. 34); cf. Arrighetti. For tou
ke koressamenos,
“having a surfeit of that” in v. 35, cf. tō
ke koressametha, “we
could have had a surfeit of that,” also beginning Il. 22.427. (This is one of
numerous clear parallels that scholars such as Krafft
who seek them do not recognize, as a result of restrictive definitions of the
concept “formula.”) Otherwise, “store in heart,” “sufficiently,” and “Demeter’s
grain” are in standard positions.
[17] Some construe “settle our disputes
ourselves,” but see Verdenius.
[18] The fact that the relationship is
brotherhood will not be overtly stated until v. 633, but it is difficult to see
what else would involve dividing an inheritance (assuming that that is what kleros means, not simply “property”). There
is a certain dissident tradition which holds that the previous event was a suit
which Perses actually lost; for references, see Marsilio (2000, 67 n. 32). Further, there are disputes
over such points as whether or not the trial was voluntary; most recently, see Martí Duran, Zeitschrift
der Savigny-Stiftung fhr Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistiche Abteilung, 116
(1999), 25-48, who thinks the poet proposes in 35 that the kings be used solely
as witnesses in settling the dispute.
[19] Benardete
(151-3).
[20] V. 41 specifies “profit” or
“advantage,” not a term associated with food as LSJ has it (see Renehan). I have argued (1985, 8-12) that “for humanity” in
42 is a dative of interest, associated with the entire clause, not just with
“hidden” (“from humanity”) as often construed. (In that article I did not
appreciate what is now acknowledged in the better philological circles, that
the traditional translation of anthrōpos as “man” reflects our own
sexism, not that of the Greeks. They were less than respectful toward women,
but did not yet take the gender-differentiated term for the male human anēr to represent an entire species by
definition.) Again (cf. above, n. 7), the first “for” governs all of 42-6,
although the embedded 43-6 is also governed by the second “for.” Aristotle (Meta.
1033b) speaks of the hēmionos (46,
literally “half-ass”) as if it were not identical to the oureus,
mule proper (the offspring of mare and he-ass), but rather was a hinny
(stallion and she-ass). However, Homer’s hēmionoi
are mules according to Fernández-Galiano ad
Od. 21.23.
[21] “Fool who did not know” is a further
specification of Hainsworth’s “formula” example noted
in the Introduction above (cited in its n. 6); my cited cases are Il.
2.38. 22.445, Od. 9.442, h. Aph. 223, and our v. 456, respectively; and see also Il.
5.406, 20.264, Od. 3.146, 22.32, and West ad
Th. 488 for a related expression. (On the temporal priority of h. Aph. to our poem, see Janko,
1982, 151-80.) Odysseus to Eumaeus: Od. 14.196. “Only in a day:” Il. 10.48 (Hector),
19.229, Od. 2.284, 12.105, 14.105. Telemachus takes arms away from “the smoke:” Od. 16.288 (= 19.7); differently: Il. 8.183
(possibly spurious), 9.143. “Work ... neither of oxen nor of men:” Od. 10.98 (cf. West). “Hard-working mules” has five
cases in Homer. “Perish” ending a verse or first hemistich is quite epic, e.g.,
in the attitude of Homer Heraclitus attacks (see
above, n. 3).
[22] On the food of the poor, see West;
for commentary on that and on half and whole, Bona Quaglia
(44-5), West, Verdenius, Arrighetti.
Nelson (1998, 126-7, 215 ns. 11-13). Rousseau (156); cf. also Judet and A. Lernould, in Blaise, Judet and Rousseau, 303. Blümer (II 137-8).
[23] Beall
(1985, 13-16). E.g., a “hard-working mule” is a prize in one of the games for Patroclus (Il. 23.654, 662, 666). To be sure, Blümer (II 54 n. 14) says he is not persuaded by my
argument. He does not say why, but perhaps it is because he (I 220-60) holds
the final form of Homer to be post-Hesiodic. If so,
my response is that expressions like “hard-working mule” were likely to have
been in the epic tradition well before its final redaction, whenever that was.
[24] “Wrought” in v. 49 could be “planned,”
but not when used again at 95 (see West there).
[25] My 1985 article is a detailed
argument that vv. 42-6 belong with the antecedent, and (17) treats the question
of the object of the verb of 47. (One might think an intransitive use is possible
-- Zeus “engaged in concealment” --, but I find no such precedent with this
verb, and one would expect middle voice ekruphthē
rather than our ekrupse.) Blümer
(II 54) believes that 43-6 are parenthetical, serving to correct a possible
false impression from 42 that the hiding of the livelihood cannot be
reversed by human effort, before 47 ff refer back to 42 to continue the Prometheus
narrative which began there. (He says without specific criticism that my
argument is “mistaken,” II 54 n. 14.) But the aorist participle in 42 means
that the gods “have hidden and keep hidden” the livelihood. This suggests that
they have to do this because humans are continually finding it; if so, the
“correction” Blümer posits would be unnecessary.
[26] Beall
(1991, 358-61) compares vv. 47-59 with Th. 535-70. For an up to date
philological and text-critical assessment of the Prometheus-Pandora myth, see
now Blümer (II 137-200), granted that his
judgments are not to be accepted in all details. In particular, he reminds us
(145 with n. 222, 161 with n. 271) that Origen read etelesse, “completed (the evil Zeus has just promised),”
rather than egelasse, “laughed,” at 59, and
assigns this a certain plausibility. That verb would indeed give the narrative
a tighter logic, with 60-9 constituting a specification of 59. However, a
scribal error involving more than two separated characters (changing tau to gamma and epsilon to alpha) is improbable, while a
conscious emendation more likely would have changed “laughed” to “completed” than
think of the possibility of the former given the latter. Add to Blümer’s references: Shannon Byrne, SC, 9
(1998), 37-46; Manuel Sánchez Ortiz de Landaluce, Minerva, 12 (1998), 41-52; Rosanna Lauriola, Maia, 52 (2000),
9-18.
[27] The comparison of vv. 60-82 is with
Th. 571-84; see Beall (1991, 361-2).
[28] I translate the verb phurō in v. 61 as “muddy” rather than the
conventional “mix” (Verdenius’s “mix and knead”
entails interpretation), because in epic it has a connotation of staining that
to which the liquid is added, e.g., with tears (Il. 24.162); with blood
(Od. 18.21). The construal of Hermes’s double
epithet in 68 is a difficult question, but does not matter for our purposes.
[29] Neitzel
(28-32), referring to Il. 14.166-86, does cite some language parallels,
but that is not his main thrust. He says the point here is that, while Homer
thinks Hera fooled Zeus, to Hesiod
no one can do so (v. 105, Th. 613). (His idea of a parallel seems
related to what Homerists now call the “type scene;”
see M. Edwards, 11-15, or in more elementary terms, Schein,
12-13.) On the parallel with Hephaestus’s helpers at Il. 18.419-20, see
most recently Blümer (II 213-24), granted, from
the point of view that Homer alludes to Hesiod. Nicolai (29-30).
[30] The point of departure is Th. 585-9;
see Beall (1991, 362-3).
[31] Verdenius
thinks the men of v. 82 eat, not bread proper, but barley groats.
In any case, as he notes, the quality distinguishes men from gods. But it also
connotes civilization (Od. 6.8). “Sheer unescapable snare” (83) is the Theogony’s
description of the woman. (Some say “helpless” rather than “unescapable,”
meaning the property of men who confront her transferred to the creature
herself. But while such transference certainly occurs in our text at 66 as
noted in the translation above, it seems overly subtle for the Theogony.) The syntactical ambiguity in 85 is noted
in the Introduction. In 89, Epimetheus knows of the
evil as soon as he has it, not later (Verdenius
contra West; Blümer, II 179 n. 317, still
supports “later,” but that is not in the Greek): What is said next in the text
to have occurred, to explain the point, was immediate.
[32] Arrighetti
(1987, 22-9) stresses that the Pandora case is the only actually stated example
of “etymological explanation of words” in our poem, after a good deal of it in
the Theogony, but the procedure clearly at
least underlies the two brothers as well. It is true that Epimetheus
is listed in the Theogony (511-14) as a son
of Iapetus, with Prometheus and others, so that if
that segment is authentic it antedates our passage and our poet builds a story
on a ready-made concept; still, many hold the citation to be a late
interpolation (most recently, Blümer, II 62 with
n. 41, 178-9). Vernant (1988, 183-201).
[33] Th. 590-612; see Beall (1991, 364-6).
[34] “Especially” in v. 92 follows Verdenius’s view that “grievous diseases” specifies
“painful troubles;” others construe parallel phrases. V. 93 is interpolated.
The object of “scattered” in 95 is “jar” in 94, not, as is commonly read, the
evils cited in 90-2: Neitzel, Hermes, 104
(1976), 399, notes that the standard construal is inconsistent with Hesiod’s other uses of “jar” (368, 815, 819). (Verdenius ad 95 eskedase
only says against this that the case of 368 -- not mentioning 815 and 819 --
does not “prove” Hesiod’s use in our location,
otherwise only attacking other aspects of Neitzel’s,
387-419, overall thesis that Pandora’s jar contained the means of livelihood.
Nor does Blümer answer the point in his own, II
182-3, criticism of Neitzel.) Many translate Elpis in 96 as “Hope” rather than “Expectation,” but see Beall (1991, 364 n. 52). As the text stands we must take
the object of “closed” in 98 to be “woman” four verses earlier; that is a
cumbersome structure, and I speculate that “aegis-bearing” beginning the next
line was originally “Pandora” (Pandōrē
rather than aigiochou, which is neither
the normal form of the genitive nor the normal verse position in Homer), but
got replaced at some point in the transmission. If so, this would remove the
objection that Zeus’s description in 99 is heavy-handed, which has caused some
(e.g., Solmsen) to impugn the verse. I take alla in 100 adverbially with West, not as “other”
sorrows. I read 101 and 102-4 as parataxially
ordered, but Verdenius may be right that the diseases
constitute a specification of the evils which fill earth and sea. “Come” in 103
is iterative, contra many translators; see Verdenius.
[35] On “foolish woman” myths generally
and here, see Beall (1991, 365-6 ns. 55-8). Within
the view that a jar of evils is meant, the required prior story has often (from
some ancient scholia down to Verdenius)
been taken to be Achilles’s statement to Priam that Zeus has two jars from which he doles out good
or evil as he sees fit (Il. 24.527-33). However, nothing in our actual text
suggests this narrative, and the proposal seems to stem from the questionable
hypothesis that the archaic Greeks put all their myths in a single, highly
coordinated time continuum in the manner of the later Alexandrian critics. I
argue for the story of a jar with beneficial entities as the prior narrative
in Hermes, 117 (1989), 227-30. (Add: “fly” in v. 98 suggests entities
other than Elpis going to Olympus, as in one of the
classically attested narratives, not evils remaining near humans.) Arrighetti’s (1998, ad vv. 90-98) criticism of this note
says that with the jar’s contents not otherwise specified, and it having been
said that humans were free of evil previously, then to have the capacity to
negate this condition, “it is difficult to deny that the object of eskedase (‘scattered,’ EFB) is the evils mentioned
in vv. 91-92,” and that alla muria lugra (I suppose
reading “other” countless sorrows) in 100 “confirms” this position; cf. Byrne
(above, n. 26, 41 n. 10), Lauriola (above, n. 26, 10
n. 7). However, apart from the issue of the object of the verb (see the last
note), this criticism does not confront the audience’s memory of a previous jar
story. Byrne adds that my interpretation leaves the mechanism for the
imprisoned charms to combat the evils unclear. The poet has certainly left it
unstated, but perhaps it was understood from the prior story (and many cultures
have amulets and the like which are thought to ward off evil spirits). The
“Pandora’s Box” interpretation remains dominant; see most recently Blümer (espec. II 181-3, where he accounts for Neitzel’s proposal, but not mine except for noting my
agreement on the object of the verb). Thus Daniel Ogden, in Archaic Greece: New
Approaches and New Evidence (London, 1998), 213-30, says flatly that the
jar had evils (219-21) as if there were no dispute, although he goes so far as
to entitle his essay “What was in Pandora’s Box?” Noica,
Platōn, 36 (1984), 116-18.
[36] Origen, contra
Celsum 4.38. An up-to-date, moderately analytical
commentary on the Genesis myth is Kenneth A. Mathews, Genesis 1-11.26 (Nashville,
1996), 183-264; a reasonably non-Fundamentalist popular treatment is W. Sibley
Towner, Genesis (Louisville, 2001), 34-54. Noica
(previous note, 100-24), Anna Komornicka (Eos,
78, 1990, 63-77), Judet and Lernould
(above, n. 22, 311), Nelson (1998, 67), Arrighetti,
and I agree that elpis can be either good or
evil depending on the context, as opposed to a long debate (reviewed by Komornicka; cf. Blümer, II
185-7) where the possibilities are considered mutually exclusive. To be sure,
with many who take the logic that the jar imprisons (evils) to its conclusion, Komornicka says that its retention of Elpis
means she is denied to humans (so also Byrne, above, n. 26). She clearly is
not, and that logic is one reason my note cited above (n. 35, 229-30) gives for
denying that the jar contains evils. Differently, the thrust of Sánchez’s (above, n. 26) and Lauriola’s
(above, n. 26) positions is that Zeus left humanity “hope” in spite of all the
evil; however, Hesiod is no Pollyanna, and this does
not recognize his irony.
[37] Leclerc
(1993, 119-28). (For an English summary of this work, see Lamberton’s
review, BMCR, 5, 1994, 438-41.) I pointed out the lack of narrative
connection in my (1991, 366 n. 59), but, e.g., Blümer
(II 195) still misses it in his discussion of vv. 100-4.
[38] Pandora as earth goddess is
discussed by both West and Verdenius -- although,
curiously, they both deny that she is our Pandora. Further nuance may be
added by association with Odysseus’s palace, where “the gate is full of
spirits, and full is the courtyard,” Od.
20.355. (Our poet does move the first “full” within the verse to create his
anaphora.) To be sure, the passage is otherwise as linguistically epic as
anything in the poem: “Taking away the jar’s great lid” follows a pattern noted
in the Introduction above; “lodging” is also verse-ending in 18 of 20 cases in
Homer; “not to the outside” also ends Il. 18.447; “cloud-gathering Zeus”
and “Zeus of the counsels” are standard; and “roam among men” also occurs at Od. 15.276, 20.206.
[39] Compare
our houtos ou ti pēi esti Dios noon exaleasthai with nouson g’
ou pōs esti Dios megalou aleasthai, Od. 9.411. To be sure, ou pōs esti Dios noon is found at
5.103, 138.
[40] Against alleged conflict in whether
Pandora or Zeus is responsible for Expectation’s retention, see West and Verdenius ad vv. 98, 99. On the incompetence as aetiology, see most recently Glenn Most, in La
Componente Autobiografica nella Poesia Greca e Latina fra Realtà e
Artificio Letterario (Pisa, 1993), 88-9.
[41] Agamemnon
and Delusion: Il. 19.86-136. Plato: Prot. 320c-324c.
[42] Elpis
was indeed prosdokia, “fore-seeming,”
according to the lexicographer Hesychius.